As Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer prepared to make a career-defining decision —
whether to veto a bill that would free business owners to discriminate on the
basis of their religious preferences — a letter arrived at her office early this
week with a stern warning from some of the biggest names in the local business
community.
Signed by the heads of four Arizona business consortiums, with board members
including officers of Bank of America, Intel and the Arizona Cardinals football
franchise, the letter urged Brewer to strike down the measure known as S.B.
1062. The letter raised the prospect that the legislation could stain Arizona’s
national reputation and touch off a wave of unpredictable litigation thanks to
the bill’s broad, vague wording.
“We are troubled by any legislation that could be interpreted to
permit discrimination against a particular group of people in the marketplace,”
the missive read. “We all have a fervent desire for Arizona to
be a welcoming, attractive destination for the top talent that will be the
cornerstone of our continued economic growth.”
It was a sharp admonition from some of the groups — including the Greater
Phoenix Chamber of Commerce and the Arizona Chamber of Commerce and Industry —
that represent the tent poles of the state’s economy. And over the next 48
hours, the private-sector pressure on Brewer just kept growing.
The Arizona legislation was an especially acute uproar over gay rights and
religious liberty, but the larger dynamic at play there — pitting powerful
business interests against ardent social conservatives — has played out over and
over as the fight over same-sex marriage has spread across the country. In blue
states like New York, big companies have played a pivotal role in pushing
same-sex marriage measures into law. In battlegrounds like Virginia and now
Arizona, corporate America has slowed or halted hard-right social policy from
taking effect.
What Arizona proved, as much as any other in recent American politics, is
that there’s currently no more powerful constituency for gay rights than the
Fortune 500 list.
The corporate community’s engagement in the fight over S.B. 1062 was
overpowering: American Express wrote to Brewer on Tuesday asking her to veto the
law, according to a spokesman for the credit card company, which has a large
presence in the state. JPMorgan, with its 11,000-odd employees in Arizona, said
on Wednesday that the legislation “does not reflect the values of our country or
the State of Arizona and should be vetoed.” The national bank Wells Fargo also
opposed it, along with Apple, Marriott and other big corporations with
significant Arizona-based investments.
The Arizona Super Bowl host committee, concerned about losing the 2015
championship that’s expected to generate a half-billion dollars in economic
activity, joined in Wednesday with a public call for Brewer to veto the
bill.
A few hours later, S.B. 1062 was dead; in her veto message, the governor
decried the bill’s hazy language and declared it “could divide Arizona in ways
we cannot even imagine” if it became law.
Business leaders in Arizona and Washington called the campaign to kill 1062 a
moment of triumph for the corporate world, and a reflection of how the need to
attract talented employees and project a tolerant image to consumers has
overridden virtually any other political imperative businesses face in a state
like Arizona.
“I’m not a military person, but it was a DEFCON 1 situation,” said Glenn
Hamer, president of the Arizona Chamber of Commerce and Industry. “It would have
been catastrophic, economically, if that bill had been signed.”
Hamer said that his group encouraged member companies to denounce the
legislation and urged Brewer to use her veto to make a statement about Arizona.
The governor was disinclined to sign the legislation from the start, said Brewer
adviser Chuck Coughlin, but the overwhelming business outcry most likely
accelerated “the speed with which the decision was made.”
Arizona Sen. John McCain, who publicly and repeatedly urged Brewer to stop
the legislation from becoming law, likened the eruption in his home state to the
divisive upheaval there in 2010 over a restrictive immigration law that Brewer
signed. This time, he said, the state stepped back from the brink.
“We were talking about losing the Super Bowl. Can you imagine the economic
impact?” McCain said in an interview. “We saw that movie before with S.B. 1070.
It took us a long time to recover from that.”
Outside Arizona, deep-pocketed business interests have repeatedly weighed in
to support same-sex unions in state battles over the last few years. In
Washington state’s 2012 same-sex marriage referendum, tech titans like Jeff
Bezos and Bill Gates cut checks to support gay marriage. In New York,
conservative financier Paul Singer helped boost Republican legislators who voted
for same-sex marriage and Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein put his name on a
letter endorsing legalized same-sex marriage.
In Virginia’s off-cycle elections last year, Democrats touted reports that
the defense contractor Northrop Grumman considered leaving Virginia over
hard-right opposition to employment protections for gay citizens. In Delaware,
Democratic Gov. Jack Markell announced a successful campaign to pass a marriage
equality law with the full backing of the DuPont Corp., the state’s most storied
business institution.
0 comments:
Post a Comment