Thousands of flights were cancelled at Hartsfield-Jackson International
Airport. More than 2,000 school children were separated from their parents, and
spent the night in buses, police stations, or classrooms. It seemed that the
only places open were Waffle House and Home Depot, the former serving hash
browns and coffee and the latter opening up its stores as makeshift shelters.
People who didn’t camp out in supermarket aisles and hotel lobbies were trapped
in cars for 10, 16, 20 hours as they tried to make commutes that normally take
just 30 minutes.
But before nightfall, the situation in Atlanta had grown more tragic than
comic. A baby was delivered by her father in a car on I-285, the “Perimeter”
highway that circles the city. Parents en route to pick up kids dismissed from
school early were stranded on highways. The Facebook group #SnowedOutAtlanta
contained desperate pleas from moms trapped in frigid minivans with toddlers and
adults worried about their elderly parents—stuck without medications.
What happened in Atlanta this week is not a matter of Southerners blindsided
by unpredictable weather. More than any event I’ve witnessed in two decades of
living in and writing about this city, this snowstorm underscores the horrible
history of suburban sprawl in the United States and the bad political decisions
that drive it. It tells us something not just about what’s wrong with one city
in America today but what can happen when disaster strikes many places across
the country. As with famines in foreign lands, it’s important to understand:
It’s not an act of nature or God—this fiasco is manmade from start to finish.
But to truly get what’s wrong with Atlanta today, you have to look at these four
factors, decades in the making.
1. Atlanta, the city, should not be confused with Atlanta, the
region.
Distinguishing between the city proper and the metro region is no semantic
quibble. The city itself, population just over a half million, represents only a
fraction of the metro’s 6 million residents. Kasim Reed, mayor of Atlanta, is
the face you see on CNN and the guy
called out by Al Roker,
but he’s only one of
more than 60 mayors of the towns and cities that
make up the Atlanta region, which, depending on whose metric you use consists of
10, 15, or 28 counties (each with their own executive officers).
Metro Atlanta’s patchwork of local governments is rooted in early Georgia
history; the state has more counties—159—than any other in the country, save
Texas. But while other metro areas strove to consolidate city and county
operations in the mid-to late twentieth century, Atlanta grew more balkanized.
In the 1970s, while then-mayor Richard Lugar helped to consolidate Indianapolis
with Marion County, creating
Unigov
and making Indianapolis one of the largest cities in the country, the city of
Atlanta witnessed an exodus of 160,000 people. The white flight of the 1960s and
1970s, triggered by integration of schools and housing, was followed by reverse
migration as blacks from the Northeast and Midwest returned to the Atlanta
region but opted to move into the suburbs of DeKalb, Fulton and Clayton
counties. Atlanta the city, became—and despite a slow uptick in population,
remains—the commercial district to which people commute from Atlanta, the
suburbs.
So on Tuesday, as schools, businesses and governments, announced plans to
close early, everyone who works in Atlanta headed for the freeways to get home
or collect their children. In a press conference Wednesday morning, Mayor Reed
reported that
one million vehicles were part of the mass exodus from
downtown. We’re not morons, Northerners: The problem was not one of Southerners’
inability to drive on icy roads, but of too many cars headed for congested
highways. And that brings us to the next history lesson.
2. Since the 1950s, the car—and the highway—has dominated Atlanta’s
transportation system.
3. The transit that eventually was built does not serve the whole
region.
In the early 1970s, Atlanta finally got some transit. But the system that was
created,
MARTA
(the Metropolitan Atlanta Rapid Transit Authority), serves only the city of
Atlanta and the two counties in which its boundaries fall, DeKalb and Fulton. In
1965 and 1971 votes, residents of the other adjoining counties—Cobb, Clayton,
and Gwinnett—rejected MARTA, with votes following racial lines. A 1971
compromise hammered out in the statehouse hamstrung the transit authority’s
governance, restricting its use of income for operations and service, meaning
that MARTA has not been able to add more service or increase frequency even as
the region’s population has grown. In the 1990s alone, 650,000 people moved to
metro Atlanta, most of them settling in the northern suburbs.
Ironically, as the metro area grew over the past three decades, those
suburban counties have become more diverse, more crowded and more congested. But
even if those new residents wanted to use MARTA, it wouldn’t be easy for them to
do so. There are few connections between MARTA and systems such as Cobb County
Community Transit (CCT), which mostly operates bus routes between major
commercial centers in Cobb and the heart of downtown Atlanta. Among the stranded
vehicles Tuesday were regional buses. Indeed, a CCT bus spun its tires right
behind me, to the amusement of those tourists. Clayton County’s bus service was
eliminated in 2010, a victim of the recession.
4. Metro voters rejected transit relief in a 2012
referendum.
In a rare showing of regional allegiance, local leaders supported a
referendum on a special tax for transportation improvement, known as T-SPLOST,
in July 2012. But voters, suspicious of the government’s ability to carry out
the plans, rejected T-SPLOST resoundingly.
Christopher Leinberger of the Brookings Institution, who has studied Atlanta
congestion and development for three decades, wrote in his 2013
report
“The Walk-Up Wake-Up Call: Atlanta”:
“Given that Atlanta’s primary reason for economic success over the past 175
years has been as the transportation hub of the Southeast U.S., this lack of
investment is disappointing. It is as if the reason for the region’s very
existence, transportation, has been forgotten. The overwhelming loss of the July
2012 transportation ballot measure is just the latest example of turning a blind
eye to the reason for Atlanta’s economic success.”
And that brings us back to Atlanta’s present snowbound state. There was no
coordination around school closings, because there are more than two-dozen city
and county school systems in “Atlanta.” There was little coordination between
highway clearance and service to city streets because “Atlanta” is comprised of
dozens of municipalities connected by state and federal highway systems. In one
of the most surreal episodes today, Charley English, the head of the Georgia
Emergency Management Association, asserted that gridlock wasn’t severe around 3
and 4 p.m. Tuesday, never mind that
traffic
maps glared red and motorists had already been sitting on freeways for hours
at that time. Mayor Reed claimed that the city had done its part getting
motorists out of downtown Atlanta, and that getting them the rest of the way
home was up to the state. On Tuesday night, Gov. Nathan Deal outrageously called
the storm “unexpected,”
never mind weather reports warning of
the snowfall. During his Wednesday morning press conference, he spoke of the
relief that will come with a thaw. An act of God might have triggered the
fiasco, but wishing for another one to bring it to an end is hardly
leadership.
As a
Walking Dead fan, I appreciate all those jokes on social media,
but as an Atlantan, I’m concerned that this storm revealed just how unprepared
we are in case of real disaster. If Atlanta, the region, wants to get serious
about public safety, its mayors, county officials, and state officials will need
to start practicing regionalism instead of paying lip service to it. And whether
threatened by a dangerous pandemic, a major catastrophe, or just two inches of
snow, we need to have ways to get around—and out of—the city other than by
car.
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